The dissertation consists in nine chapters, schematically divided into three parts. The first one is devoted to theoretical considerations on the added value of the research, its social and sociological interest, and finally details about data, methods and epistemological aspects. The second part provides a brief historical context of the Italian animal advocacy, referring to important episodes and to the inclusion of issues related to non-human animals in the national political agenda. The last three chapters compose the third part of the thesis and are dedicated to data analysis. They respectively cover the following topics: socio-demographic variables and motivations to become animal advocates; relationship between animal advocates and political dimension; organizational aspects and repertoires of action. In the conclusions, finally, the main findings of the empirical analysis are summarised, in order to answer the research questions and propose some broader reflections regarding the nature of contemporary mobilisations. The main data sources are a structured survey (answered by 704 individuals throughout Italy), and 20 semi-structured interviews with relevant members of the Milan area. Moreover, we conducted a protest event analysis, consulted paper and digital material of some groups, participated in events and debates. In a very schematic way, there is a large majority of women, medium-high qualification degrees (high school diploma and University graduates, in particular), a discrete distribution in professional terms (with some more represented professions: especially employees), a majority of married individuals and urban residents. We, then, stratified the phenomenon into three categories: antispeciesism, animal care, protectionism. The empirical analysis confirmed this stratification. Very broadly speaking, the antispeciesist area is characterized by political, disruptive and innovative dynamics, reflected in the indication of a revolution as the main reason to pursue animal advocacy. Those who belong to the animal care area are directed by more personal reasons, historically connoted by a charitable approach, in line (even though considering all the due updates) with the former welfarism of the late 1800’s. Finally, the protectionist area is mainly composed of long-time members, and nowadays is particularly interested in the pursuit of legislative goals and the improvement of living conditions of non-human animals (especially of some species), and therefore characterized by a strong reference to animalist identity. More generally, our data highlight the absence of a shared collective identity that allows us to speak of the phenomenon in terms of a real social movement. We are in presence of a dynamic that can be summarized with the slogan "protest without movement" (Jasper & Goodwin, 2011) even more than "movement without protest" (della Porta & Diani, 2004). This results in a large (often episodic) number of protests and actions conducted both by individual and collective subjects. In this sense, we consider appropriate to refer to the actual Italian animal advocacy as a strategic action field (Fligstein & McAdam, 2012), characterized by a logic of connective action (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012). This extreme diversification must then be analysed considering the extreme variety of issues faced by animal advocates: if there are still specific aspects privileged by some areas (antivivisectionism and stray animals for the animal care area, protection of certain species and the living conditions of animals in circuses/aquarium/zoo for protectionism; meat consumption and veganism for antispeciesism), it is often difficult to reach the formulation of shared frames, and even more, of a general master frame.

L’elaborato è composto da nove capitoli, e schematicamente suddiviso in tre parti. Nella prima trovano spazio le considerazioni di natura teorica e i dettagli inerenti percorso di ricerca, dati e metodi. La seconda parte offre una breve contestualizzazione storica dell’animal advocacy italiana, con riferimento a episodi ritenuti importanti e con alcuni cenni all’inserimento di tematiche legate agli animali non-umani nell’agenda politica più o meno recente. Gli ultimi tre capitoli costituiscono la parte terza e sono dedicati all’analisi dei dati. Trattano rispettivamente i seguenti temi: variabili socio-demografiche e motivazioni all’azione; rapporto fra animal advocates e dimensione politica; aspetti organizzativi e modalità d’azione. Nelle conclusioni, infine, viene ripreso quanto emerso nei capitoli di analisi empirica, per fornire risposta agli interrogativi di ricerca e proporre alcune linee di riflessione più ampie rispetto alla natura delle mobilitazioni contemporanee. Le principali fonti di dati sono un questionario strutturato (cui hanno risposto 704 individui sul territorio nazionale), e 20 interviste semi-strutturate a membri rilevanti dell’animal advocacy milanese. A essi si aggiungono un’analisi degli eventi di protesta; la consultazione di materiale cartaceo e digitale di alcuni gruppi; la partecipazione a eventi, manifestazioni e dibattiti. In modo molto schematico e riassuntivo, sono emersi un’ampia maggioranza femminile, titoli di studio medio-alti (diploma di scuola superiore e laurea in modo particolare), una discreta equi-distribuzione in termini professionali (con alcune professioni maggiormente rappresentate: in modo particolare il settore impiegatizio), una maggioranza di individui coniugati e di residenti in territorio urbano. Abbiamo poi stratificato il fenomeno in tre categorie: antispecismo, cura, protezionismo. L’analisi empirica ha confermato tale stratificazione. Per quanto concerne l’aspetto ideologico/motivazionale, i dati in nostro possesso confermano la pluralità di approcci all’interno dell’animal advocacy italiana. In modo molto schematico, l’area antispecista è caratterizzata da dinamiche maggiormente politiche, dirompenti e innovative, che si riflettono nell’indicazione di una rivoluzione quale principale ragione di adesione alla causa. Coloro che fanno parte dell’area della cura sono maggiormente indirizzati da motivazioni personali e ragioni storicamente connotate da un approccio caritatevole, in linea (seppur con tutti gli aggiornamenti del caso) con la zoofilia classica. Infine, l’area protezionista risulta composta da membri di più lungo corso, oggi particolarmente interessati al perseguimento di obiettivi legislativi e al miglioramento delle condizioni di vita degli animali non-umani (soprattutto di alcune specie), e pertanto caratterizzati da un forte riferimento all’identità animalista. Più in generale, i dati raccolti evidenziano l’assenza di un’identità collettiva generale che consenta di parlare del fenomeno nei termini di un vero e proprio movimento sociale. Ci troviamo dunque in presenza di una dinamica sintetizzabile con lo slogan “protesta senza movimento” (Jasper & Goodwin 2011) ancor più che di una forma “movimento senza protesta” (della Porta & Diani 2004). Si intende con ciò sottolineare la numerosità (spesso episodica) delle forme di protesta e delle azioni condotte da singoli soggetti individuali e collettivi Per tale motivo, in linea con altre recenti ricerche in questo settore di studi, abbiamo valutato di porre la nostra attenzione da una parte sui gruppi e dall’altra sui singoli individui: in tal senso, riteniamo opportuno riferirci all’animal advocacy italiana come a uno strategic action field (Fligstein & McAdam, 2012), caratterizzato da una logic of connective action (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012).

(2017). ANIMALI POLITICI. Il movimento animalista in Italia e i suoi campi d’azione strategica. (Tesi di dottorato, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2017).

ANIMALI POLITICI. Il movimento animalista in Italia e i suoi campi d’azione strategica

BERTUZZI, NICCOLÒ
2017

Abstract

The dissertation consists in nine chapters, schematically divided into three parts. The first one is devoted to theoretical considerations on the added value of the research, its social and sociological interest, and finally details about data, methods and epistemological aspects. The second part provides a brief historical context of the Italian animal advocacy, referring to important episodes and to the inclusion of issues related to non-human animals in the national political agenda. The last three chapters compose the third part of the thesis and are dedicated to data analysis. They respectively cover the following topics: socio-demographic variables and motivations to become animal advocates; relationship between animal advocates and political dimension; organizational aspects and repertoires of action. In the conclusions, finally, the main findings of the empirical analysis are summarised, in order to answer the research questions and propose some broader reflections regarding the nature of contemporary mobilisations. The main data sources are a structured survey (answered by 704 individuals throughout Italy), and 20 semi-structured interviews with relevant members of the Milan area. Moreover, we conducted a protest event analysis, consulted paper and digital material of some groups, participated in events and debates. In a very schematic way, there is a large majority of women, medium-high qualification degrees (high school diploma and University graduates, in particular), a discrete distribution in professional terms (with some more represented professions: especially employees), a majority of married individuals and urban residents. We, then, stratified the phenomenon into three categories: antispeciesism, animal care, protectionism. The empirical analysis confirmed this stratification. Very broadly speaking, the antispeciesist area is characterized by political, disruptive and innovative dynamics, reflected in the indication of a revolution as the main reason to pursue animal advocacy. Those who belong to the animal care area are directed by more personal reasons, historically connoted by a charitable approach, in line (even though considering all the due updates) with the former welfarism of the late 1800’s. Finally, the protectionist area is mainly composed of long-time members, and nowadays is particularly interested in the pursuit of legislative goals and the improvement of living conditions of non-human animals (especially of some species), and therefore characterized by a strong reference to animalist identity. More generally, our data highlight the absence of a shared collective identity that allows us to speak of the phenomenon in terms of a real social movement. We are in presence of a dynamic that can be summarized with the slogan "protest without movement" (Jasper & Goodwin, 2011) even more than "movement without protest" (della Porta & Diani, 2004). This results in a large (often episodic) number of protests and actions conducted both by individual and collective subjects. In this sense, we consider appropriate to refer to the actual Italian animal advocacy as a strategic action field (Fligstein & McAdam, 2012), characterized by a logic of connective action (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012). This extreme diversification must then be analysed considering the extreme variety of issues faced by animal advocates: if there are still specific aspects privileged by some areas (antivivisectionism and stray animals for the animal care area, protection of certain species and the living conditions of animals in circuses/aquarium/zoo for protectionism; meat consumption and veganism for antispeciesism), it is often difficult to reach the formulation of shared frames, and even more, of a general master frame.
TOSI, SIMONE
STEFANIZZI, SONIA
Movimento; animalista;; Movimenti; sociali;; Antispecismo
Animal; rights;; Social; movements;; Antispecismo
SPS/07 - SOCIOLOGIA GENERALE
Italian
21-apr-2017
SOCIOLOGIA APPLICATA E METODOLOGIA DELLA RICERCA SOCIALE - 92R
29
2015/2016
open
(2017). ANIMALI POLITICI. Il movimento animalista in Italia e i suoi campi d’azione strategica. (Tesi di dottorato, Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca, 2017).
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Utilizza questo identificativo per citare o creare un link a questo documento: https://hdl.handle.net/10281/158280
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